Politics and Public Administration
Public Administration is concerned with the way government operates. And International Studies focuses on international relations and. As a criminologist, I shall examine the theoretical and practical relationship . system theories; political science; politology; government administration, etc. QUALITY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION – A TOOLBOX FOR The Power of People: transforming the relationship between government and Quotes from .
Still, we know that even in natural sciences, the exactness of predictions decreases rapidly when more complex systems are investigated. So it is not only in the case of social sciences that making statements on complex phenomena is difficult. I have to agree with Sherman that criminology is an applied science, and its usefulness for crime policy and criminal jurisdiction originates from this characteristic.
However, I do not think that the problem of the relationship between criminology and the functioning of criminal jurisdiction is in fact the conflict between theoretical science and applied research. I believe that the main problem is that criminology is now expressly facing with the fact that 1 crime policy is able to free itself from the system of reacting to causal interconnections of crime, and 2 crime control can be considered as a purely political or business issue too.
Criminal justice and security-service Security as a service is realized the most easily by extending the controlling powers of criminal jurisdiction. Politically this is the arena where public safety occurs or doesn't occur. How can we have a conversation about public safety in this country and not talk about the 3.
That's about three times the number of people behind bars.
Therefore new approaches and techniques appeared in the field of criminal jurisdiction. At the end of the 20th century economics and management theory were the fields and cost-benefit analysis was the means that could provide new and useful elements for criminal policy. We could say that with cost-benefit analyses common sense and rationality got a new emphasis in criminology and with adaptation of evaluation methods of management theory the techniques of relationship between individuals was emphasized.
Questions and Answers about Prison Reform. Five Futures for Community Corrections. Report of the Focus Group.
- Administration Quotes
Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs. At the turn of the 20thst century geographical information system GIS appeared in the field of criminal jurisdiction too. However, the relationship of criminology and criminal jurisdiction changed with the appearance of high technology.
Hi-tech applications appeared not only via criminology as an intermediary such as GIS in the territorial analysis of crime but also directly in crime control. The change in world politics had a decisive impact on the process.
Administration Quotes (43 quotes)
With the collapse of the bipolar world order, instead of arms race a market had to be found that requires and can use hi-tech innovations. At present, crime control provides an excellent terrain for this: So among the tools of the electronic personal monitoring system new generations of personal control devices appear, suitable for satellite positioning of mobile phones.
Zero tolerance however often aims to extend the borders of criminal law in a downward direction blurring the activities of social services and the police. Besides technological innovations, procedural changes are also serving the decrease of costs of criminal jurisdiction, and a number of forms of diversion have appeared in criminal procedures.
As criminal jurisdiction functions as a system16, results and practices desired by crime policies cannot only be reached directly by legal limitation of the sentencing practice of courts, but also by putting pressure on other elements of the system.
International experiences show that legislators are increasingly using the means of limiting the discretionary powers of law enforcement. This is what the most significant change in the past decades refers to: The re-allocation of the sentencing power of the courts in various forms of diversion increases the role and powers of prosecutors in criminal procedures. However, this is just one of the signs of the change in the balance of the actors of criminal justice system.
Repression and empowerment in post-liberal societies. Limits of the efficiency of the criminal jurisdiction system. Criminology — specialized criminology szerk: The question is inevitably raised: This question is even more significant in the case of diversion where the re-allocation of sentencing power was carried out to the benefit of jurisdictional authorities functioning under governmental control e.
There is no difference in the content of applied penalties and in the form of implementation according to the ordering authority. They can be imposed in the input or output stage of the process by the prosecutors service, as well as it can be used by the court as a classic criminal law sanction — see for example the sanction of probation.
Relationship between criminology and criminal justice So what is the relationship between criminology and criminal jurisdiction? Criminal sciences can help by creating theories and conducting research to a define goals of crime control and b choose the means to reach these goals.
POEM: Political Studies In South Africa. A Personal Perspective. : Rozenberg Quarterly
Therefore theoretical and applied researches are the activities that make criminology useful for jurisdiction. Based on possible consonance or lack of consonance between them we can talk about three models: Cooperation service model — we can talk about this model if the political sphere requires and uses the findings of criminal sciences when working out crime policy. It supports empirical research, acknowledges achievements of the profession, and respects the freedom of research.
Representatives of a profession make recommendations according to their best knowledge regarding crime policy to be employed as well as its specific elements, from which politicians can choose from, taking professional aspects into consideration, and they bear the political responsibility for the efficiency of implemented crime control measures.
Submissive model — in this model political stakeholders submissively apply professional proposals without recognizing their political responsibility. Cape Town and Western Cape political scientists are also quite frequent contributors. During the period under review the journal published only one article from one of the former homeland universities, by the Nigerian head of politics at Transkei.
Only three contributions are from black African South Africans, each of them Wits post graduates. Of course Politikon is not an altogether reliable base from which to make generalizations: What claims can be made for South African democracy since ? Much of the academic commentary has been negative. Trends observable in public opinion indicate at best lukewarm support for democracy, especially among the racial minorities and declining trust in political leaders and state institutions.
South Africans, pollsters suggest, have highly substantive understandings of democracy, that is they are more likely to view socio-economic benefits as essential components of democracy rather than civil liberties. Compared to citizens in neighbouring countries, South Africans are least predisposed to active forms of civic participation.
More in the same vein is widely available and there is no need to relay such arguments in detail here. One line of argument is to locate the reasons for democratic shortcomings in the deficiencies of the constitutional system, and in particular in the electoral system which provides no incentives for representatives to make themselves accountable to citizens.
My own work offers rather more complicated readings of South African democratic performance. In contrast to the evaluations just cited, I find that with respect to social delivery, the government has generally met citizen expectations. These were racially calibrated to be sure, but on a scale that made South African rather unusual in the developing world and which may help explain the pro-active to cite Charles Tilly nature of the political claims that black South Africans began to assert from the mid s onwards.
The state has expanded, not shrunk, and successful deficit reduction from in any case a relatively low degree of indebtedness in makes it likely that its welfare capacity will maintain itself. This is despite the increasingly abundant evidence of venality and rent-seeking among officeholders and officials. In fact it is quite difficult to find conclusive signals as to whether corruption in any sphere is waning or expanding though public perceptions suggest the latter.
The apartheid state as it became increasingly demoralised was progressively affected by dishonest misappropriations of public goods and certain patterns of behaviour have persisted; after all in many areas the same officials are in place. My own research suggests, though, that much of the corruption is new, and that it flourishes in precisely those areas in which the state is undertaking fresh obligations to citizens, in housing for example, and that it may be the consequence of changed systems of management rather than inherited traditions, patrimonial or otherwise Lodge b.
This is not a system in decay. I think there are strong grounds for proposing a more optimistic scenario for the survival of the procedural aspects of democracy — generalising from the behaviour of parliamentarians, in opposition and otherwise, the record of the judiciary, and the general vigour of the media.
My own recent research preoccupation has been with the development of the party system, surely an indispensable component of a healthy and participatory liberal democracy.
So far my data collection and analysis has concentrated on the ANC.
I have interviewed at length a range of senior officeholders, but more importantly, with a team of student fieldworkers we have questioned nearly rank and file branch members, mainly in the Gauteng. What have been, so far, our most important findings? This is not a movement in decline. At the time of our research, at the beginning ofmembership was booming at around— and the trend continued.
Our interest was in kinds of commitments that are required of members. A call by leadership for branches to undertake various kinds of community development work evidently elicited a ready response: A large majority attended monthly branch meetings and about a quarter had been involved in fundraising projects.
Such data suggested a relatively activated membership and a movement with quite a vigorous local life. Cross tabulating demographic data with branch positions suggested, moreover, a movement that at this level is quite egalitarian: In their responses to open-ended questions we did collect sentiments that suggest that ANC members may be motivated by a mixture of concerns — self interested as well as idealistic — but generally it does appear that the ANC has remained a mass party, and that its activist support remains enthusiastic, not just dutiful.
No one should ever be able to say of her that she acts merely to have her own way. Again, she should have a man's heart. She must know the laws of arms and all things pertaining to warfare, ever prepared to command her men if there is need of it. She has to know both assault and defence tactics to insure that her fortresses are well defended, if she has any expectation of attack or believes she must initiate military action.
Testing her men, she will discover their qualities of courage and determination before overly trusting them. She must know the number and strength of her men to gauge accurately her resources, so that she never will have to trust vain or feeble promises. Calculating what force she is capable of providing before her lord arrives with reinforcements, she also must know the financial resources she could call upon to sustain military action.
She should avoid oppressing her men, since this is the surest way to incur their hatred.